LaRouche -



Translation of Article in “Antifa”, January/February 2015, page 11
Written by Herrmann Schaus

The NSU Complex and Hesse

          On “Little Adolf” and “high politics” – by Herrmann Schaus


Herrmann Schaus is the representative of
the ”The Left” [the political party] in the
NSU Committee of Inquiry of the Landtag [Land Parliament] of Hessen


Hesse plays an important role in the NSU complex. Firstly, because the first and last murder victims of the racist series of murders came from Hesse. The investigations into the murder of Enver Simsek are at the beginning of a virtually incredible series of investigation glitches, they are at the beginning of a criminalization of the victims’ families for which there can be no excuse, of institutional racism, and of possible sabotage on the part of the authorities—that is how the NSU committee in Thuringia formulated it in its final report. The murder of Halit Yozgat in Kassel was also the abrupt end of the racist series of murders, including the extremely dubious role of Andreas Temme, the Hessian intelligence official who was apparently present during the murder in the internet café—his nickname is “Little Adolf.” Including the accusation of “support for suspects” by the Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz (the domestic intelligence service of the Land Hesse, the “Land agency for the protection of the constitution”), which is maintained to this day. Including the accusation of “obstruction of justice ex officio” directed to the current Prime Minister [of Hesse] Volker Bouffier, whose statement before the NSU committee in Berlin in 2012 completely contradicted his statements before the Committee on Internal Affairs in 2006. And including the witnesses and files that were not made available to the Berlin NSU committee or for the Munich NSU litigation—for reasons of “protection of sources.”


Secondly, the authorities and the political community of Hesse are not only involved with the culpability of the state concerning the thwarted solving of the NSU murders. Since the security authorities in Thuringia were built up by Hessian officials and the Hessian political community from 1990 on, central actors in the Thuringian NSU complex were actually “development aid workers” from Hesse. The success of this Hessian “development aid” must be questioned very critically, at least when it comes to the struggle against Nazi structures, whose development included the Anti-Antifa in 1992, the “Thuringian Homeland Security,” and the NSU under state observation and with obvious state support.

Thirdly, the militant Nazi scene was not and is not organized according to Land boundaries; it is networked at the national level and connected to international trends and movements. This is also true of the Hessian Nazi scene, particularly in the 1990s and 2000s. Whoever seeks to get to the bottom of the ideologically and perhaps also the personally supporting environment of the NSU will most likely find results with “Blood & Honour,” the KKK offshoot “White Knights,” in the “Kameradschaft” scene, and in the NPD—and here, too, there are pronounced connections between Hesse and Thuringia.


All that—and much more—has been written up before. Numerous journalists and authors have followed the mammoth investigations of the NSU committees and published thousands of pages of material. Despite files being shredded and despite the gaps in witnesses’ memories, it was possible, with major efforts, to shed light into darkest corners. Yet this has by no means solved the NSU complex—particularly not in Hesse. And above all, practically no consequences have been drawn from the insights gained so far! Instead, in 2012, the Hessian government declared in reference to the circumstances of the murder in Kassel, there were “no glitches and problems in Hesse at all”. Mistakes—if there were any at all—were made elsewhere. And what kind of protector of the constitution nicknamed “little Adolf” is it who obviously played a role (which role?) in the NSU murder in Kassel, who committed massive misconduct, and who noticeably changed his statements to the police, courts, and in committees, time and again in the solving of a series of Nazi terror incidents—no explanations have been given about this to this day.


The important role of Hesse in the NSU complex on the one hand and the massive cover-up on the part of the government and government agencies on the other are the reasons why the Left Party has persistently and in the end successfully dedicated its efforts to appointing a committee of inquiry in the Landtag. That NSU committees were later appointed in North Rhine-Westphalia and Baden-Württemberg is encouraging. Because parliamentary committees do not find out everything, but can shed light on many things and make them topics of discussion at all for the first time.


The work of the committee has so far been a struggle for every sheet of paper and every single witness. That will remain the case, because the CDU and the Greens in Hesse—in contrast to all the other parliaments—did not vote for the appointment of the committee and are behaving in this way, supported by their majority. Yet too many facts are known, the contradictions are so enormous, the role of Temme is so bizarre, and the interference of Volker Bouffier in the NSU investigations in 2006 is so unique that this committee is inevitably subject to high public expectations and severe political tensions. It is not only the families of the victims who are making accusations; all of society is demanding that the murders and attacks be completely solved. And rightly so!